Lomé, Ouagadougou and Abidjan: the hidden side of a highly political extradition

The extradition of Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba from Togo to Burkina Faso on January 17, 2026, is not just another judicial episode in a region accustomed to coups d’état and political exile. It marks a diplomatic precedent and, beneath the surface, reveals the strategic adjustments currently underway in West Africa, as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) reshapes regional balances.

A break with Togo’s tradition of asylum
For decades, Lomé has established itself as a haven for deposed leaders and disgraced political figures. From Mobutu Sese Seko to Henri Konan Bédié, and Ange-Félix Patassé, Togo has long favored discreet diplomacy built on political asylum and regional stability. Until now, no former head of state had ever been handed over to the justice system of their country of origin.

The Damiba case breaks with this tradition.

 Overthrown in 2022 by Captain Ibrahim Traoré, the former head of Burkina Faso’s transitional government had been living in exile in Lomé. He was nevertheless in the sights of the authorities in Ouagadougou, who accuse him of involvement in attempts to destabilize the regime, notably the one on January 3, 2026.

A legally framed extradition

In the face of criticism and suspicions of political calculation, the Togolese authorities emphasized strict compliance with judicial procedure. In a statement published on January 19, the government confirmed that it had received a formal extradition request from the Burkinabè judicial authorities on January 12, accompanied by an international arrest warrant.

The investigating chamber of the Lomé Court of Appeal, seized of the case, issued a favorable opinion on January 16 after examining the regularity of the request and the guarantees provided by Ouagadougou. These included respect for Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba’s rights, his physical integrity, access to a fair trial, and the absence of the death penalty—a sensitive issue in a Burkina Faso engaged in a controversial penal reform.

A political signal to the Sahel?

For part of Togolese public opinion, this extradition goes beyond the legal framework. Nathaniel Olympio, spokesperson for the Front Touche pas à ma Constitution, sees it as a strong political gesture, potentially signaling a strategic rapprochement with the AES. In his view, handing Damiba over to Ouagadougou could be interpreted as a “gesture of goodwill” toward the Sahel’s military regimes.
Although Lomé has never officially mentioned joining the AES, the decision has fueled speculation about a possible diplomatic shift. Long seen as a moderate actor and a bridge between ECOWAS and Sahelian countries, Togo now appears to be cautiously navigating between blocs, keen to preserve its room for maneuver.

Concerns in Abidjan and beyond

The shockwaves extend beyond Togo’s borders. According to Africa Intelligence, Côte d’Ivoire reacted negatively to the extradition. Abidjan fears it could set a dangerous precedent, as the country hosts several Burkinabè and Malian figures sought by their respective states, including Karim Keïta, son of former Malian president Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta.
For regional capitals, the question is now unavoidable: is political exile still a viable option in a West Africa marked by the growing judicialization of political rivalries and the rise of military regimes?

The choice of realism
By handing over Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, Togo opted for legal and diplomatic realism, at the risk of weakening a tradition that once defined its uniqueness. It remains to be seen whether this precedent will remain isolated or whether it heralds a new doctrine
one of strengthened judicial cooperation, even at the cost of a delicate strategic repositioning.

One thing is certain: in Lomé and beyond, the Damiba affair has opened a debate that the region can no longer avoid.